The rise of Simion

A young man recently told me, while discussing technological progress, that in the not-so-distant future, our biggest problem will be the fact that we will be forced to accept the implantation of chips. Since I can’t resist the challenge of provoking an AUR supporter, a conspiracy theorist, an anti-vaxxer, and, last but not least, a follower of Sosoaca, I asked him seriously why he thought so.

“You see,” he told me, “if they put a chip in you, once you won’t have cash anymore, and if you say something that bothers someone, poof, your money disappears from your account.”

I paused for a few seconds and then, nodding as if I understood, as if I had an epiphany, I pretended to approve of this apocalyptic scenario.

“When was the last time you took a stand? Or rather, when did you show integrity, saying or doing something because it was the moral thing to do, even if it didn’t benefit you?”

My words rolled over him like boulders carved from the philosopher’s stone. He remained silent because he had no example to offer.

I continued. “I’ve spoken out all my life, having everything I needed, and I’m not afraid. But you, who have been silent all your life, are afraid they’ll cut off your access to what you don’t even have.”

In essence, these are the voters of Sosoaca and AUR. People who have been marginalized their entire lives due to their lack of knowledge and education, people constantly hearing, “Sit down, you know nothing. Grade 4.”

Both Sosoaca and Simion tell these people things they’ve longed to hear their entire lives. For the first time, they feel validated. Sosoaca and Simion are their lifeline. After every word uttered by the two, their electorate thinks, “See? We were right all along. Two plus two does make five, not like that dumb teacher said, who flunked us.”

In October 2021, I briefly covered the AUR-Sosoaca rally in Victory Square. There, I witnessed for the first time a Hitlerian-style speech delivered with aplomb by Mrs. Sosoaca. It had been years since I had attended news events, so the shock was twofold. I then decided to observe the phenomenon from a distance and consider turning it into a more extensive piece.

In early 2022, a scandal in Parliament caught my attention again. Mr. George Simion, leader of the far-right party, grabbed and shook the energy minister quite vigorously. Verbal attacks were now being taken to a new level.

This time, I resolved to get closer to the AUR leader, to understand him better, and perhaps to work on a documentary piece. I was already planning to visit him in Parliament when, on February 14, I went for a walk in Herăstrău Park, thinking about capturing a Valentine’s Day scene. Just before wrapping up my walk, a group of people with flags and torches caught my eye. I approached and realized they were AUR sympathizers, there to commemorate unionist poet Grigore Vieru.

Shortly after, George Simion arrived. After the event, I approached him and shared my intentions.

I began working on the material with the intention of presenting it to the international press if AUR were to enter the second round of the 2024 presidential elections.

My first footage was taken at a conference organized by AUR in the parliamentary building, themed “The Supremacy of National Constitutions Over European Bureaucracy.” This conference featured nationalist politicians from across Europe. It was intriguing to see how each speaker passionately claimed their country was the center of Europe.

At a restaurant in the north of the capital, I observed for the first time the leader of Romania’s far right in his role as host. Like a conductor, Simion guided a folk band that played all the nationalist songs he favored.

To the tune and lyrics of “We Are Romanians,” I watched the far-right politicians from other countries and couldn’t help but think about what they would do to Romanian immigrants if minimal legislation didn’t protect them.

After the general party, a more exclusive gathering followed at a small venue in Herăstrău, with select party members, event organizers, and a few European nationalists.

If I were to judge Simion solely on his hosting and party-organizing skills, there would be no one better suited to throw a memorable party.

In 2022 and 2023, I followed Simion sporadically. Confirmed as party president at the 2022 congress, George Simion was the only politician who acted as if he was perpetually in campaign mode. This locomotive effect quickly manifested, with the party rising in all electoral polls during this period.

The silence of other politicians and the quietness of politically or financially unengaged media worked to George Simion’s advantage. Almost every decision he made seemed well-timed. Visits across the country and public appearances showed his vitality and ability to connect with people, perhaps even more effectively than Traian Băsescu once did.

However, Simion also made moves during the pre-campaign that consolidated his image as a nationalist extremist and exposed potential vulnerabilities. One example was the scandal around the military cemetery at Valea Uzului. He incited tensions and commemorative services, even when the justice system proved him wrong. It was only the restraint and legal recourse of the Hungarian community that prevented the incident from escalating into an ethnic conflict.

Another example of his nationalist extremism is his stance toward the Republic of Moldova, which he calls an artificial state. This position, anti-European and anti-NATO, led to his ban from entering Moldova.

Such messages resonate well with nationalist Romanians, as does the refrain, “I won’t bow before foreign embassies.” While real estate development isn’t a constitutional presidential duty, representing Romania in foreign relations is essential. Simion will soon learn, should he become president, that diplomacy isn’t about muscle-flexing, especially when your country needs help and has little to offer in return. His threats against Austria are almost comedic if they weren’t tragic, given Romania’s desperate bid to join Schengen without a functional highway network.

In late 2023, Simion organized the fourth International Crisis Summit in Bucharest, led by Dr. Robert Malone, known for spreading misinformation about COVID, vaccines, and mask mandates.

Things changed drastically at the beginning of 2024 as the local and European elections drew nearer, highlighting AUR’s lack of a coherent communication strategy and plan.

The party grew most when Simion acted as a watchdog in Parliament. At times, he was more aggressive, such as when he grabbed the former energy minister. But mostly, he barked loudly. Romanians, who are poor at subtlety but great lovers of spectacle, appreciate this kind of drama. This is why Sosoaca has also grown in popularity; while Simion barked at the caravan, Sosoaca barked at Simion.

But barking only secures the same electorate obtained through nationalist extremist promises. Are they enough to win presidential elections?

Attacks against the EU and Ursula von der Leyen don’t win Simion new sympathies among young, pro-European, democracy-loving corporate employees.

Simion’s insults and aggressive behavior toward Sosoaca haven’t helped him either. Diaspora Romanians, who have seen how women are treated abroad, are less inclined to tolerate such conduct.

In 2023, I heard of a strategy by the ruling coalition, PSD-PNL, to allow potential candidates to leave for AUR, only to have them return to their original parties later. When I asked Simion about it, he wasn’t convinced. However, on April 15, 2024, George Simion announced a polygraph test for AUR leaders to verify their loyalty.

The result of this anti-European, anti-vaccine, anti-NATO campaign was evident in the local elections.

In a way, I think Sosoaca represented for Simion the darkest face of extremism, the ugly monster of hatred, nationalism, and fanaticism. After seeing it up close, Simion wanted to capitalize on nationalist rhetoric without being labeled an extremist. But this is impossible. If it walks, talks, and quacks like a duck, it is a duck. George Simion leads an extremist party by his words and actions, not by the labels others put on him.

Sosoaca has embraced her label. Her fanaticism has helped her secure the radical tip of the far right. The PSD doesn’t want a second-round battle between its candidate and a liberal candidate; historically, the PSD has always lost to a right-wing candidate.

In early October, through its three Constitutional Court judges, the PSD barred Diana Sosoaca from running. This decision seems to benefit Simion, as extremist votes will now likely be redirected toward him. But in reality, the PSD hopes for a repeat of the 2000 elections when Ion Iliescu defeated nationalist Corneliu Vadim Tudor.

As a campaign effort, George Simion works harder than all the other candidates combined. I can’t help but notice that after the floods that affected several villages in the Galați area, Simion mobilized his party and supporters, and for several weeks, they worked on rebuilding roads, helping villagers, and constructing new homes. This effort included AUR senators, deputies, as well as candidates for these elections.

In a PSD-style move, at the beginning of November, a PNL member requested that the Romanian Intelligence Service (SRI) release a report regarding candidates who have ties with Russia. The request itself is absurd. Firstly, it is SRI’s duty to know these things. Secondly, Romania is not at war with Russia. The request, following the anti-democratic attack on Diana Sosoaca’s candidacy, aims to eliminate Simion from the electoral race based on simple statements. With two weeks to go before the elections, the PNL knows that their representative will not make it to the second round.

If Sosoaca and Simion represent the potential danger posed by extremism, the two attacks on these candidates—attacks coming from state representatives—are proof that Romania is not a democratic country. The “communists with a human face” still decide who leads Romania, not the freely expressed vote of the Romanian people.

For this reason, in these elections, Romanians must no longer be deceived by the rhetoric of “communism with a human face.” If they understand the democratic principle of voting, Romanians have the chance to settle matters, to end the political reckoning first with those responsible for the country’s disastrous state.

The dictators installed by Romanians with their own hands, who have destroyed the country, are the PSD, and for 12 years, their PNL minions. Once Romanians settle accounts with these two anti-democratic, corrupt, and incompetent parties, they can turn their attention to AUR. This is how voters have felt in Italy, Switzerland, France, Germany, the United States, etc.

Those who have committed the harm must be held accountable, not those who might cause harm in the future. We will deal with those who could hurt us in the future later. For now, the PSD and PNL should be democratically removed from the political stage.